The embrace of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) by Guyana President Irfaan Ali during his July 2023 visit to the country highlights a renewed wave of Chinese engagement and influence in a country that has transformed in just a few years from one of the region’s poorest and US-ambivalent, to its fastest growing, and a vital U.S. partner.
The discovery and development of over 25 billion barrels of recoverable oil in Guyana’s territorial waters by an Exxon-Mobil led consortium fueled GDP growth of more than 25% per year, and brought a flood of new resources from both the oil sector and outside investors.
Although the PRC has emphasized the growth in trade with Guyana, the latter’s new oil affluence has thus far been in reflected more in purchases from the PRC than sales to it. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Guyana’s $17 million in exports to the PRC in 2022 were actually $4 billion lower than in 2019, the year before its petroleum began coming online. Its imports from the PRC during that time, however, almost doubled from $218 million in 2019 to $372 million in 2022.
In October 2022, the PRC and Guyana signed an air services agreement paving the way for direct air flights by Chinese airlines to Guyana.
The most visible expansion of the PRC footprint in Guyana has been the projects its companies have won as Guyana has built out its commercial and public infrastructure.
Looking to the future, the Ali government has also been in negotiations with the PRC to fund as much as $600 million in various road projects, mostly near Georgetown.
Beyond road infrastructure, the Chinese are also interested in renewable energy projects, including the proposed Hope Beach wind and solar project on the East Bank of the Demerara River. In addition, China State Construction and Engineering (CSCE) and China Dailan have looked at building a deepwater port in Berbice, in the east of the country, where facilities to support the petroleum sector have been built by the Canadian firm CGX.
In the oil sector, Chinese investment has been minimal beyond participation by CNOOC in the Exxon-led coalition developing the Stabroek block. Still, the Ali government has invited PRC-based oil companies to play a role in 14 new petroleum blocks to be auctioned.
In the telecommunications and surveillance sectors, Huawei has established a dominant position in the country. The Ali government has contracted it to expand its surveillance systems in Georgetown into a nationwide surveillance architecture, beginning with Guyana’s regions three and six, raising issues of data security and privacy for individual Guyanese.
In the context of the new wave of PRC engagement with Guyana, the US must continue to respect the government’s right to work with who it wishes in pursuit of its development. Still, Washington should be sensitive to the deeply rooted Chinese ties in Guyana, which run through its businesspersons, the Chinese-Guyanese community, and political party structures. Specifically, as China leverages those relationships to play an outside role in Guyana’s expanding economy, the US must be alert to the potential of those ties to steer the country’s priorities in a direction divergent from those of Washington.
The US-friendly Ali government does not seek to “make a choice” between the US and the PRC. Nor is the US in a position to “outbid” China…although the important US-based Guyanese diaspora and the enormous if indirect US role in Guyana’s oil sector are important bases for influence. The US has a strategic interest in working respectfully, yet attentively, with Guyana as its newfound oil wealth continues to transform it, to preserve the vitality of Guyana’s friendship with the US, even as it engages with the PRC and others as well.